Behrouz Ashraf Semnani; saeeid zokaei; saeeide amini
Abstract
Streaming refers to the live broadcast of video game content on various platforms. In a streaming session, the creator entertains the viewers by showcasing real-time gameplay footage. This article categorizes Iranian game streamers using Jesper Juul's meta-game theory. This article also identifies the ...
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Streaming refers to the live broadcast of video game content on various platforms. In a streaming session, the creator entertains the viewers by showcasing real-time gameplay footage. This article categorizes Iranian game streamers using Jesper Juul's meta-game theory. This article also identifies the differences between Iranian game streamers in terms of their audience reach and content. Through interviews with 15 well-known streamers and careful observation of their live sessions, four main categories and 10 subcategories have been uncovered in this study. The findings of this study reveal that streamers can be classified according to characteristics such as the type of content they produce, their target audience, the way they communicate with their viewers, and their personal aims and ideals in streaming. Through this research, three distinct groups of streamers have been identified: those who specialize in challenges (focused on achieving international recognition), those who are competitive (striving to outperform other streamers in the gaming arena), and those who prioritize leisure (creating enjoyable content to entertain their audience). Extended Abstract:Introduction:Streaming refers to the live broadcasting of content by a user to an audience. Statistical data indicates that the number of streamers, viewers, and content produced has rapidly increased, making streaming a novel and expanding medium. Twitch is the most popular streaming platform globally, while Aparat Game is the leading domestic network in Iran. Iranian streamers utilize both platforms, creating content and engaging with their audiences on these networks. Streamers engage with their audience by producing content. This content may encompass playing games, talking about games, discussing various topics, and other similar activities. Streamers broadcast this content through Twitch or Aparat Game. In return, audiences show their support by donating money.Audiences tune into streaming for various reasons, including engaging in social interactions, experiencing a sense of community, meeting new people, seeking entertainment, searching for information, and other motivations that draw their attention to streaming. The core query of this article is to identify the different types of Iranian streamers based on the structure and content they generate and to comprehend how each category of Iranian streamers produces content for their audiences.2- Methods:Most researchers have employed methods like interviews and observations to investigate the behavior and content production of streamers. Amongst the streamers, 67 popular and well-known streams were carefully chosen. An invitation to participate in an interview was extended to them through the Instagram social network. Fifteen streams consented to participating in the interview. Furthermore, a total of 5 hours of each streamer's activity was also observed for additional insight.3- Results:In this study, 10 subcategories were identified. These subcategories encompass the streaming platform, compliance with rules, the age of the streamer, the age of the audience, the timing of streaming sessions, the method of communication with the audience, the type of game, the manner of presenting content, job status, and ultimate ideals. Those 10 subcategories were then regrouped into 4 main categories: "context," "communication," "content" and "personality." Based on these categories, three types of streamers are identified. The first group, which we refer to as the "Challenge," focuses on winning global honors through the completion of difficult tasks in video games and challenges. This group's audience is often silent and inactive, primarily made up of young people and adults who follow Twitch. They do not prioritize following the rules and often find streaming to be their sole occupation. Their ultimate dream is to achieve world honors in video games.The Competitive streamer prioritizes the defeat of their rivals, and they are determined to secure victories in various competitions. The more they win, the more successful they become. Their audience mirrors the excitement seen in sports competitions, reacting loudly and noisively during streaming sessions. They celebrate victories and feel saddened by losses, with the income of competitive streamers closely tied to their wins. The Competitive streamers stream on both Aparat and Twitch, tailoring their platform selection based on their audience's age. If their viewers are primarily young, they prefer streaming on Aparat, but they switch to Twitch if their fans are older. The target audience for the Competitive stream includes young children and adults. Their choice of games leans towards battle royale style, and their ultimate ambition is to win the world championship.The Leisure streamers do not prioritize winning or losing in the game. They focus solely on providing entertainment for their audience. Jokes, laughter, drama, and storytelling are common elements in their streaming sessions. The Leisure streamer's audience watches their stream for fun, joy, and laughter.Recreational streamers may have average gaming skills, but they excel in entertaining their audience. They establish intimate connections with their viewers and often develop deep friendships with their fans. Children under 10 years old make up a considerable portion of the audience for recreational streamers. Due to this, they opt for Aparat as their streaming platform, paying more attention to adhering to the rules compared to others. Apart from their streaming activities, these gamers may also engage in producing content on YouTube and acting as social media influencers. Their ultimate goal is to achieve fame and become well-known celebrities.4- Conclusion: Streamers approach gaming and streaming as a social event, recognizing the importance of entertaining their audience in their unique manner. Every streamer attempts to create a distinct and one-of-a-kind experience, similar to an artist's painting.The Competitive streamer is focused on winning and losing and can display excitement similar to a sports match. The Leisure streamer, like a TV show host, works to entertain the audience. As streamers age, lose their gaming abilities and energy, they may transition away from challenging or competitive styles and lean more into entertaining the audience to compensate for their physical limitations.
saeeid zokaei; Ali Khanmohammadi; Samira Nouri
Abstract
The emergence of the corona pandemic led to a state of exception that expedited the dominance of public opinion in matters of health, which has been designated as "medical dominance." Over five hundred videos, photos, and texts produced by ordinary Instagram users during the pandemic have been scrutinized, ...
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The emergence of the corona pandemic led to a state of exception that expedited the dominance of public opinion in matters of health, which has been designated as "medical dominance." Over five hundred videos, photos, and texts produced by ordinary Instagram users during the pandemic have been scrutinized, revealing the codes of "frontline," "support lines," and "traitors against Corona." Semiotics was employed to analyze all these contents, leading to the uncovering of these three main codes. These codes embody the upper and subaltern meanings and signals. The signifiers of "health defenders,” "health martyrs," "readiness of the warriors," and "sacrifice of the medical staff" represent an "epic, sacred, and upper" narrative about the medical staff, particularly the female medical staff. On the other hand, the "home front," "citizens," "organizational," and "institutional struggles" reflect a "hopeful, empathetic, supportive, and upper" narrative of the fight to combat the disease. The signifiers of the lack of support for medical staff and the pressure they experienced during the epidemic portrayed a "tragic, sad, and subaltern" narrative of the days of the pandemic. However, during this health crisis, medicine effectively controlled every aspect of life through the implementation of health guidelines (e.g., identifying vulnerable groups and imposing self-quarantine measures). In memory, medical staff were elevated to almost "sacred" status. "Inattentive people" and "Nowruz travelers" were considered adversaries and "evil". According to popular memory, "people" are held accountable for the spread of the disease more so than both the "government" and the "health care system". This perception arises from the exercise of bio-power and the politics of memory that have concealed the foundations of medical power-knowledge within Iran.IntroductionThroughout history, the world has witnessed numerous incidents and epidemic phenomena, including war, famine, drought, and disease. However, the consequences and effects of none of those past events have been as expansive and intricate as those of the current corona virus epidemic. In Iran, this epidemic has significantly reinforced the dominance of "medical" knowledge over other associated fields within society.The struggle against the corona virus has been largely dominated by medical knowledge, leaving little space for other specialties and sciences to contribute to the fight against the disease in Iran. Medical knowledge has played a significant role in combatting the virus, but there is a palpable absence of other fields of expertise, especially sociology. The ascendancy of medical knowledge in the handling of epidemic diseases has ushered in a distinct understanding of the term "vulnerable group." Moreover, the operationalization of "home quarantine" adheres precisely to this redefined meaning of the vulnerable group.By categorizing groups into "vulnerable" and "non-vulnerable" entities, medical knowledge has assumed control over numerous facets of people's lives and daily management. Medical treatment methods such as gene therapy, drug treatment, and surgical interventions have led to a significant escalation in the degree of medical surveillance, extending to encompass aspects of citizens’ behavior, bodies, and minds. The Corona pandemic has ushered in a novel form of "medical-dominated" knowledge surveillance and discourse, which has significantly intruded on the daily lives of citizens. This knowledge has augmented its influence over public opinion by drawing upon the "exceptional situation" created through the application of the ideological emotional discourse of martyrdom. While the sacrifices of treatment staff are undeniably admirable, the martyrdom of numerous individuals amongst them was caused by flaws in administration or the absence of adequate protection measures and necessary equipment.As medical discourse asserts its dominance, we inadvertently overlook social criticisms directed towards doctors due to their exceptional financial and economic benefits, legal immunity, increasing corruption in hospitals, and the overall inefficiency of the health and treatment system, the latter being a product of misguided privatizations in this sector. With the spread of the epidemic in Iran and the interruption of face-to-face interactions, the significance of virtual space, primarily social networks, notably Instagram, has strengthened. It serves as a prominent platform for multimedia communication in economic, social, political, and cultural matters within Iran.Instagram stands as the preeminent platform for expressing emotions within Iran. Regular users of Instagram have utilized it as a medium to convey their feelings about various aspects related to the Corona virus. By monitoring the pages of ordinary users, a clear picture of public opinion under home quarantine conditions can be discerned. Furthermore, the process of forgetting and replacing the blame with hero-like figures represented in these pages can be regarded as an indicator of modifications in collective memory. To comprehensively understand the intricate relationship between the dominance of medical knowledge and the impact it wields on the memory of people within society, it is imperative to explore and address the following queries.How has the "popular memory" demonstrated through the Instagram social network been influenced by the Corona virus pandemic?What are the dual manifestations of popular memory in the context of the Corona virus pandemic?How does "medical knowledge-power" exert its influence over popular memory during the course of the Corona virus pandemic?MethodologyIn this study, a total of 500 data samples, consisting of 350 texts, 150 photos, and 50 videos, have been subjected to semiotic analysis. The data selection was carried out through rigorous qualitative sampling, focusing on the intensity and variety of the samples. This approach enhances the ability to identify the magnitude of the phenomenon (Gelman & Cortina, 2009; Denzin et al., 2011). The data collected for this study stemmed from the personal pages of regular Instagram users, comprising both Iranian men and women residing in various regions of Iran. These individuals had comprehensive biographical information on their profiles, and their pages were neither affiliated with organizations, specific individuals, nor involved in selling goods or catering to fan clubs. Therefore, the written content of these regular Instagram users has been considered as representative of "popular memory."The semiotics of social networks can be interpreted as the hermeneutics of "public thoughts" and "popular memory." This is because a) the study of representations within public opinion and the portrayal of cultural trauma in the digital age is not confined to non-digital media, and b) the messages and images uploaded by ordinary users convey autobiographical memories. Therefore, these texts can be viewed as an expression of their individual memory. The "dominance of medical knowledge in public opinion during the corona disease pandemic" can be understood as a "structure" that emerges from the intersection of the "epidemic of a disease" and "popular memory." Simultaneously, this "exercise of power" in the field of "medical knowledge" is in a "state of exception" and is intimately connected to the specific "militaristic" circumstances of the pandemic.An in-depth analysis of the content of each page of regular Instagram users provided us with a profound understanding of the interwoven relationships between "the epidemic of a disease" and "popular memory," as well as the complex dynamics between "power relations that are in a state of exception" and the "knowledge of medical power" specifically associated with the epidemic. The lens of "disease" and "popular memory" serves as our guiding principle as we delve into the semiotics of the 500 videos, photos, and texts generated by regular Instagram users from April 2019 to September 2019. Through the categorization of documents on the dual axes of "coexistence" and "substitution," the significant focus observed in the republished texts, images, and videos by Instagram users on the "heroic portrayal of women" calls for deeper reflection and analysis. This profound reflection cannot be achieved without acknowledging the far-reaching cultural debates surrounding women's roles within society over the last two decades. "Popular memory" contemplates the experiences of women faced with these contentious issues during the Corona virus epidemic.Findings & DiscussionThe profound social sufferings that stem from "cultural trauma" or "social crises" are swiftly depicted on multiple platforms and social networks, owing to their potent impact on the emotions and psyches of users. The portrayal of the "Coronavirus" pandemic from the standpoint of ordinary Instagram users (representing "popular memory" and "public opinion") is symbolized as a "bloody war." In stark contrast to the era of the Holy Defense, the representation of this war in public opinion is not "man-centric"; instead, greater emphasis is placed on "women." Surprisingly, this portrayal of women in virtual networks deviates from previous research findings, as it does not primarily focus on personal and family issues. Rather, it revolves around the hardships and ordeals endured by "women" laboring in medical and healthcare settings during the height of the Corona pandemic.This form of representation has elevated these women to the status of "heroes" in "popular memory" and "public thoughts." Admittedly, this process is imbued with an ideological undertone that leans towards "sanctification". This ideological undercurrent is manifestly perceptible in the "heroic" narratives and portrayals of these women in the virtual space. In these accounts, female nurses and doctors navigate the battlefield alone. Such depictions should not be misconstrued as a reflection of the "reality" faced by society but are undoubtedly influenced by the national media. It is crucial to recognize that the alignment of "popular memory" with the "politics of memory" is not solely the result of the common sentiments of the populace. The intricate dimensions of this alignment have been thoughtfully and thoroughly examined in the concluding section. For a comprehensive synthesis of all codes, signifiers, and signifieds, they are succinctly presented in Table 1.Table 1. Instagram social network codesSignifiedSignifierCodesThe gesture of the medical staff with clothes isolatedHealth defendersThe frontline of the fight against CoronaGiving a victory sign by the medical staffRemembrance of martyrs of medical staffHealth martyrsShowing masks, alcohol and medical equipmentreadiness of the warriorsThe gesture in isolation clothes to wash the passagesDance and joy of therapy staff at workFatigue and sleepiness of the medical staffsacrifice of the medical staffWearing masks, glasses and shields by the medical staffMedical staff infected with coronaExpressing the longing of the medical staff for the family membersPeople's financial aid to fight against CoronaHome frontThe support lines against CoronaMaking masks and other sanitary equipment in home workshopsAccompaniment of celebrities with quarantineStaying at homepeoples’ strugglesMedical services by phone and onlineCompliance with social distancingOfficial Health AdviceOrganizational and institutions’ strugglesClosing offices, educational and shopping centers, religious placesCompliance with health protocols at workCompulsory quarantineInattention of people and officials to Coronalack of support from the medical staffTraitors against CoronaTravelInfection of people and officials with corona virusPressure on the medical staffProfiteering in the sale of masks and alcoholResultsThe Corona virus pandemic has resulted in a mix of positive and negative consequences. A prominent change is increased mindfulness regarding personal and public health. However, this crisis has concurrently strengthened the "dominance of medical knowledge" over public opinion. While the Corona crisis has unfortunately attracted scarce recognition from humanities researchers globally, it is worth noting that the healthcare system's shortcomings have been a principal contributor to the elevated mortality rates experienced by medical staff and patients in major cities in Iran, with the exception of the capital city (Masoumbeigi & Ghanizadeh, 2020; Bagheri Sheykhangafshe, Saeedi & Eds, 2021). Conversely, the authoritative medical knowledge imposed through directives like identifying vulnerable groups and issuing guidelines for home quarantine wield significant influence over the daily lives of citizens.Undoubtedly, in the exceptional circumstances of the pandemic, despite the inefficiencies of the healthcare system, doctors have assumed command in the fight against Corona. The "dominance of medical knowledge" has led to a systemic erasure of shortcomings within the medical field from public awareness. This mechanism has induced a collective amnesia in popular memory regarding the facts previously emphasized by artists and sociologists.The doubles associated with the pandemic days were examined through the semiotics of 500 videos, photographs, and texts generated by regular Instagram users (representing popular memory). These contents are engaged in a dual struggle. Public opinion perceives itself as a sacred defense in a war characterized by cultural and objective congruences. This conflict has led to alignment between the people and authority figures.In our discussion of each code, we examined the lower and upper signifiers and signifieds. The frontline combatants, backup units, and traitors in the struggle against Corona constitute the primary codes for this war. The codes related to health defenders, health martyrs, the military preparedness of warriors, and the dedication of medical personnel contribute to an "epic, sacred, and exalted" narrative of the medical forces, with particular emphasis on female healthcare professionals. The republished images, videos, and texts by ordinary users bear resemblance to segments of "Conquest Narratives" documentaries from the frontlines of the imposed war. Signifiers such as "home front", "citizens' struggles", and "organizational and institutional efforts" contribute to a "hopeful, empathetic, helpful, and generous" narrative of combating the Corona disease. Social campaigns like "stay at home," "don't travel," and "financial aid and production of domestically produced disease prevention equipment" reflect a resurgence of hope within public opinion. On the flip side, it serves as a reminder of the people's efforts on the supporting front, notably in the home front. Conversely, the signifiers of a lack of support from medical personnel and the burden on medical staff provide a "tragic, disheartening, and subordinate" narrative of the epidemic days of the disease. In these signifiers, the "popular memory" aligns the enemy and traitor against allies and servants in the form of negligent individuals, government officials, medical supply profiteers, hoarders, and individuals who traveled during Nowruz, juxtaposed against the quarantined, medical supply donors, producers, and medical staff.In reality, the malevolent elements in the narrative of the users are considered the adversaries and traitors in the fight against Corona, and the degree of hate expressed towards them by users is evident through their desire for their demise.The fluctuation of republished content between superior and subordinate narratives, despite the diverse levels of education and residence of users, highlights the profound impact of the pandemic. However, these negative elements are influenced by the dualities generated by medical knowledge and power, particularly during epidemics. The prevalence of both signifieds related to "plague" and "people's indifference towards Corona" in the codes for "traitors fighting against Corona" reveals "popular memory" emphasizing the duties of the populace. If the "people" do not assume a more significant role in disease control compared to the "government" and the "healthcare system," this sleight of hand projection emanates from a strategic politics of memory. Moreover, this policy itself springs from the convoluted and hidden relationship between medical knowledge and power within Iran, as posited by Heydari (2017). The growth of "medical dominance" over "popular memory," particularly on Instagram, accentuates the importance of undertaking more comprehensive research in the future. Additionally, the pressing question emerges: "With the expanding trend of "medical dominance," what will become of social sciences in Iran?" However, we assert that a successful research endeavor aims to generate not just answers but also thought-provoking questions and challenges.
Mohammad saeeid zokaei; mohammad taghi karami; Shima FarzadManesh
Abstract
Many scholars believe that social media has changed the everyday communication and social structures especially for margin groups like women. This study aims to find how Instagram influences representation of women’s everyday life, and how do women try to represent their everyday life in cyberspace?The ...
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Many scholars believe that social media has changed the everyday communication and social structures especially for margin groups like women. This study aims to find how Instagram influences representation of women’s everyday life, and how do women try to represent their everyday life in cyberspace?The research is based on a phenomenology approach and thematic analysis of the 800 post from 26 Instagrammer’s pages and their comments. This study aims to understand what are the most important themes represented by women about family roles, the body, consumption and satisfaction, by investigation on the connotation of their photos and captions in pages.Results indicates the following types of themes: first: motherhood and ideal home ; subjectivity coupled with power, Second: representation of male-female identities and identity’s paradoxes, third: representation of satisfaction in the family, conspicuous consumption and beauty . Also the results shows that Instagram has identity and leisure function for women.Data analysis shows that they use the cyberspace to challenge reality of public sphere that has caused be living in a paradoxical life world which makes women neither be objects of male dominance as they are in traditional clichés, nor be sovereign subject who is capable to deconstruct gendered patterns. Rather, they simultaneously have degrees of subjectivity and objectivity that empowers them to ignore some degrees of male dominance or to negotiate them, because there are some possibilities in social media and cyberspace like Instageram.
saeeid zokaei; Mohammad Javad Imani Khoshkhoo
Abstract
Regarding that political humor was one of most prevalent communicative themes during the presidential election in 2017, this research aims to answer this question that how political humor is used in most politicized period of time. So we chose two virtual communities in Telegram messenger including extreme ...
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Regarding that political humor was one of most prevalent communicative themes during the presidential election in 2017, this research aims to answer this question that how political humor is used in most politicized period of time. So we chose two virtual communities in Telegram messenger including extreme advocates of two main political parties and analyzed more than 7000 massages of these groups during 30 days up to presidential election in 2017, using the Cyber-Ethnographic method. We have found that humor is utilized in two ways: as a weapon (in semiotic battle and keeping up cognitive distance against opponents) and as a relief (for reducing anxiety and nervous pressure and growing sympathy with insiders). But the main distinction between these groups was implementing Survival humor (laughing at misery) by the reformist one. Also these communicative departure to virtual space has caused changes both in Telegram as a medium (customization based on recipient’s lingual and cultural context) and in logic of politics (because of inherent characteristics of this medium). In fact, we are witness of blending areas (political and nonpolitical, personal and impersonal, sadness and happiness and …).
Mohammad saeeid zokaei; Farzaneh Nezakati Rezapour
Abstract
This study was conducted with the aim understanding “mobile digital” lifestyle of students, which we have called “mobital”. Using grounded theory methodology and relying on episodic interviews with students from two top universities (Allameh Tabataba’i and Sharif) in three ...
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This study was conducted with the aim understanding “mobile digital” lifestyle of students, which we have called “mobital”. Using grounded theory methodology and relying on episodic interviews with students from two top universities (Allameh Tabataba’i and Sharif) in three main educational groups (Humanities, Engineering and Basic Sciences), the data were coded with “Nvivo 10”. Contrary to those researches who only highlight the sense of gratification from the use of new ICT’s, the findings reveal that the lived experience of students exposed to mobital devices, is a “paradoxical mixture of satisfaction and dissatisfaction”. Although this experience tends to create “cognitive dissonance” and contradictory feelings towards mobital devices, students have found strategies to handle it. They try to maximize their interests and stay away from its damages with “choosing rationally” exercising more “self-control”. In brief, the findings suggest that the three elements of students, devices and society are jointly construct “mobital lifestyle”. This provides an important case for assessing validity of existing theories and gives us valuable information for future research on new media and students’ lifestyles.
